UPDATE: BRAD, a component of F.U.C.K. now has a target list. Thirty Florida sheriffs got records requests for the query logs that caught Georgia's plate-stalking cops, and the responses get published here as they land. Read the launch piece, the DAVID story, and the $5,516.45 invoice.
If you're here from Reddit, welcome. Hit subscribe to get a front-row seat to the incoming fallout. Thirty Florida sheriffs and legislative counsel are currently on the statutory clock to fulfill my Chapter 119 requests regarding HB 429. Stick around—I'll be publishing their responses (or their legal maneuvering to avoid responding) right here as soon as they drop.
TL;DR:
While law enforcement uses FLOCK cameras and vague new gang laws like HB 429 to track and penalize citizens, I built the mirror. For the last 18 months I’ve been running an autonomous AI system that scrapes the public digital footprint of Florida politicians and scores their social media feeds against the Lindke 2-prong test. This week I filed Chapter 119 requests with the top 30 sheriffs and legislative counsel demanding the instruction manual on HB 429’s proximity and association rules. They have two options: hand over the specs so I can run them against their own photos, or admit on the record that the law has no measurable standards.
First He Came For Your Bibles
Law enforcement loves a clean dragnet. They love FLOCK cameras. They love ALPRs mounted at every intersection, quietly logging expired tags, suspended licenses, and the daily movements of people who can’t afford lobbyists. They love the surveillance state, as long as the lenses stay pointed down.
Surveillance is just infrastructure. So I built the mirror.
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F.U.C.K. — the Fixed Urban Capture Kit.
While FLOCK scans bumpers at red lights in Leon County, F.U.C.K. runs autonomous AI agents that ingest the public digital footprint of the Florida Legislature. It scrapes ribbon-cuttings, charity galas, donor retreats, and campaign events. It extracts 512-dimensional ArcFace embeddings and maps who the political class is actually standing next to when the cameras are rolling.
This isn’t vaporware. The engine has been running for eighteen months.
I didn’t build it in a vacuum. I built the backbone during my First Amendment case against State Representative Chip LaMarca. When politicians started blocking critics on social media, I built an autonomous scoring system to catch Lindke v. Freed violations in near real time. It worked. So I kept the architecture and pointed it at the people who wrote the rules.
Call it combative literalism. I am Antonin Scalia without the guardrails. The law either applies equally to everyone, or it applies to no one. There is no special carve-out for people who pass the statutes.
Remember the Great Florida Book Ban of 2022? They wrote a sweeping, deliberately vague law targeting “sexual conduct” and “violence” in school libraries. I read the text exactly as written and filed petitions in sixty-three districts to remove the Holy Bible. It wasn’t civil disobedience. It was enforcement. The administrative meltdown was so loud that Governor DeSantis had to step in and tell his own legislature to rewrite their own law.
They built a dragnet. I threw their favorite book into it.
Now they’ve done it again with HB 429.
The new gang designation statute lowers the threshold from four observed interactions to two. It adds social media criteria and includes a “single act” pathway. One photograph can now trigger multiple prongs. The legislature never bothered to define the actual measurements.
What constitutes “in the company of”? How many pixels of proximity in a Facebook photo counts as an official observation? What is the operational definition of “associates with”?
A nineteen-year-old standing in the background of the wrong Instagram post can catch a gang enhancement. But when my OpenClaw agent — code name Kenny — catches a state senator shaking hands with a convicted felon at a donor retreat, or a sheriff posing next to a documented affiliate at a campaign event, the same math applies. The AI doesn’t recognize political immunity. It just runs cosine similarity.
I am not running this system blind. This week I sent Chapter 119 public records requests to Adam Brink, General Counsel for the Florida House, the Florida Senate General Counsel, and the top thirty sheriff’s offices in the state.
I am asking for the instruction manual:
• The distance parameters: How many pixels of proximity in a photograph trigger an official “observation”?
• The data dictionary: What is the state’s precise, written definition of “associates with”?
• The exemption source code: Where is the policy that exempts elected officials and law enforcement from the exact proximity and association rules they now apply to citizens?
Tallahassee has two doors.
Door A: They produce the manuals. I hard-code their exact criteria into OpenClaw and run it against their own public photos and social media. We apply the same rules they use on nineteen-year-olds to the people who wrote HB 429.
Door B: They certify they have no written definitions. Then the record is clear — Florida’s gang designation law is arbitrary, based on unwritten police discretion, and lacks the measurable standards required for due process. Every public defender in the state gets a new attachment for their next motion to dismiss.
They built a machine to grind up the public. They forgot to write the safety manual. Now the machine is looking back at them, and I’m just waiting on the specs.
For the record and the cheap seats: I’m not pro-gang. I am pro-constitution. I believe in the exquisite application of the law, applied equally and fairly across the board. If you write shitty laws, don’t be surprised when I take a crap on them.
One of us here has finally given a F.U.C.K.
Keep watching the shiny AI keys, Tallahassee. The paperwork is already inside.
Chaz Stevens is a First Amendment practitioner in Deerfield Beach, Florida. His work forced one governor to rewrite state law — and the governor wrote him into the bill by name. Oh, hell yeah! He drafts civil litigation pleadings and engineers public records work product for licensed attorneys at Sufficient to Show, and is the founder of REVOLT Training.
I believe in calling balls and strikes. Rules apply fairly, or not at all.
Thanks for the nice words, and be well and stay hydrated.
saw your post on Reddit. Doin’ The Lord’s Work here, son….